Methodological issues regarding
participation
It is by no means self-evident that local economic promotion, and
especially the formulation of a local economic development strategy, is a
participatory exercise. Quite often it is delegated to external actors,
especially consultancy firms specialized in this field: External
consultants parachute in, conduct a series of interviews, collect a lot of
data, and present their results to an audience of surprised and impressed
local agents. What happens afterwards, and in fact whether anything
happens, is unpredictable.
In order to initiate a process which can be sustained by local actors
it is crucial to involve them from the start. It is essential to find an
adequate balance between inputs from outside and local activity. External
inputs are important, in terms of bringing in both methodologies and
concepts of development, especially in places where local actors have
little to no experience with economic promotion. However, it must
complement and stimulate local activities rather than substitute them. In
practical terms, this means that it is desirable that at least one
important local person, e.g. the executive secretary of the ACI, takes
part in the whole field research and elaboration of the diagnostic.
Any participatory appraisal, planning, or evaluation should build on
some principles which have been formulated in the participatory rural
appraisal work (quoted from
The PRA Pages):
-
offsetting biases (spatial, project, person -
gender, elite etc, seasonal, professional, courtesy...)
-
rapid progressive learning – flexible,
exploratory, interactive,
inventive
-
reversals – learning from, with and by local people, eliciting and
using their criteria and categories, and finding, understanding and
appreciating their knowledge
-
optimal ignorance, and appropriate imprecision – not finding out
more than is needed, not measuring more accurately than needed, and
not trying to measure what does not need to be measured. We are
trained to make absolute measurements, but often trends, scores or
ranking are all that are required
-
triangulation – using different methods, sources and
disciplines,
and a range of informants in a range of places, and cross-checking to
get closer to the truth through successive approximations
-
principal investigators' direct contact, face to face, in the field
- seeking diversity and differences
There is no reason why this kind of approach should be limited to rural
environments. On the contrary, our experience so far shows that such a
perspective renders a very valuable diagnosis of urban economic structures
as well, specifically if it is combined with analytical concepts to
understand the key determinants of successful development.
At the same time, it is important to acknowledge the pitfalls and
limits of PRA/PLA approaches. First, there are the risks of inadequate
application of the methodology:
-
failing to put behavior and attitudes before methods
-
rushing and dominating
-
pretending to be experienced trainers when not
-
rigid, routinized applications
-
taking local people's time without recompense, raising expectations
-
demanding instant PRA on a large scale
-
cosmetic labeling without substance
Second, there are some difficulties with participatory methodologies as
such. Summarizing the literature on participatory monitoring and
evaluation, which is a closely related approach, Estrella and Gaventa
(1998) point at three issues: power, conflict, and methodological rigor.
PRA sometimes is being presented as an instrument that overcomes issues of
power and conflict. This is an idealistic view. The likelihood that a PRA
exercise is biased by existing power structures, or that local actors try
to move it around an existing conflict, is always there. It is
specifically the insistence on participation which is creating risks in
this respect – how would a PRA practitioner who is truly dedicated to
participation justify that he is tackling the consistent evasiveness of
local people when it comes to addressing certain touchy, conflict-prone
issues? Likewise, methodological rigor can suffer if local actors feel
consistently awkward in applying certain techniques, so that a trade-off
between participativeness and rigor emerges.
last
chapter: where and for what purpose can PACA be
applied?
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